
Editorial
What
now?
by Aisha Lorgat
I am an
African.
These wonderful, inspiring words were said by Thabo
Mbeki when our constitution was adopted in 1996. But after more than two weeks
of extreme violence perpetrated against some of the most vulnerable people in
our society, the words of Mbeki's famous speech sound increasingly hollow:
I have
seen what happens when one person has superiority of force over another, when
the stronger appropriate to themselves the prerogative even to annul the
injunction that God created all men and women in His image.
Now we have all seen it, here and abroad, emblazoned
like a shameful scarlet letter in media images and news feeds that are
strikingly similar to the beginnings of the Rwandan genocide. Horrifying images
of necklacing, the punishment meted out in township justice during apartheid
that everyone, we certainly, assumed had no place in the new South Africa,
return to haunt our collective consciousness again. The crime this time
however, was not being an informant or askari, but that the man burning to
appease the blood lust of the mob had committed the truly despicable crime of
being born north of the Limpopo.
Now as the dust settles and the blood is washed off
the streets and our leaders finally deign to act, or at least speak out against
the violence, how do we as a country and as individual communities move
forward?
Do we attempt to reintegrate the 'other' in our midst
again? Do we send them home? Do we create refugee camps to house the continents
displaced people who have nowhere else to go?
The last option thankfully, is not being seriously
considered by national government. The second has also been vetoed, with a
moratorium being placed on deportations until the crisis is over (ironic isn't
it? Our government does have a sense of humour after all). Of course if they
choose to leave themselves, we won't stand in their way.
So that leaves the first option. Except, it obviously
hasn't worked before. So, what is going to change this time around? It seems
some of the victims were South African citizens (and we are not referring to
the South Africans from minority ethnic groups that were killed or attacked,
although this is an aspect of the violence that must be given attention as
well), people who had been in the country for years, enjoyed reportedly good
relations with their neighbours and were contributing members of society. Yet,
despite this, when foreigners were targeted, they were identified as such and
punished accordingly.
The common explanations for the eruption of violence,
ranging from frustrations over poor service delivery and lack of jobs to
criminal instigation and that old monster-in-the-cupboard, a 'third force',
don't provide an adequate explanation nor do they provide a solution to this
difficulty. Certainly, meeting the needs of economically depressed and the
increasingly marginalised poor in the country would go a long way to appeasing
the anger that has erupted. But the extreme antagonism and hatred being
expressed towards people born outside our borders will remain, hidden beneath
the surface, until the next time a crisis emerges and the easiest scapegoats
are the unwanted foreigners among us.
So what now? The answer to this question is unlikely
to be easy and pain-free. It also means that all levels of society need to be
part of this answer.
Our government, whose response to the unfolding crisis
has so far been little more than a catalogue of disastrous failures, has a duty
to firstly ensure that there is an impartial investigation into the initial
events that led to the first eruptions in Alexandra. Since the neutering of the
Scorpions, perhaps the only effective agency that can undertake such an
investigation is an international body such as Interpol. Such a step is
necessary to provide intelligence that will help prevent a similar occurrence
in the future.
Secondly, our leaders in government (and other members
of the ruling elite), at all levels, need to bridge the growing gulf between
themselves and ordinary citizens. Separating themselves from the people they
are meant to serve because of security concerns and protocol only serves to
make government less responsive to and aware of the needs and struggles of the
governed.
Government also needs to urgently address the lack of
a migration policy framework as pointed out by Mamphele Ramphele recently. This
has to be tied to a wide ranging awareness campaign, championed by government
and the private sector, of the benefits that foreigners bring to South African
society and our economy.
Finally, we, the masses, need to scream out our
condemnation of brutal, barbaric acts against our fellow human beings (who,
until two weeks ago, were our neighbours and community members), and make it
clear that these acts cannot be done in our name. We also, each and every one
of us, must examine ourselves, look in the mirror without artifice, and
acknowledge and deal with our own racism and prejudices - the little or large
ways in which all of us define others as less human than ourselves.
All of us in South Africa need to decide if we
are indeed 'African' at all. The fractured schizophrenic identity games we play
with ourselves and others are becoming extremely damaging. If South Africa is indeed part of Africa
then we need to commit ourselves to the continent, not just in trite statements,
and not in a patronising 'big-brother' way. Instead we need to recognise that
we all on this bright continent are linked to each other integrally; that the
umbilical cord to the heart of our Africanness may be damaged but that it can
never be severed without killing us in the process.
Aisha is senior researcher at IOLS-Research, UKZN
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